The Voice and Young Australians
5 November 2025
By: Centre For The Australian Way Of Life

By Brianna McKee
The outcome of the Voice referendum provides a unique insight into the attitudes and beliefs of young Australians. An analysis of how young people voted in the referendum reveals that contrary to perceptions, not all young people are ‘woke’ and ‘progressive’. The fact that nearly one-in-two young Australians voted No is evidence that the centre-right political parties in Australia do not need to shift their policies to the left to gain the ‘youth vote’.
This essay draws on analysis from ‘The Future of Australia’ a report on a survey of the attitudes of 800 Australians between the ages of 16 to 25 commissioned by the Institute of Public Affairs in 2023, and ‘The Voice: Why Australians voted to be equal’, a report on a survey of more than 3,500 people who voted in the Voice referendum commissioned by the IPA and Advance.
The picture these two surveys present is one of young Australians whose opinions on the Voice vary according to their gender, but who substantially agree on many other questions, such as the importance of freedom of speech, and whether they believe their generation will be better or worse off than their parents.
At the Voice referendum, the nationwide No vote was 60%, and among 18–24-year-olds, the No vote was 41%. While 59% of this age group voted Yes, the vote for the Voice among young Australians was not as strong as Yes campaigners had hoped. Some had suggested the Yes vote among young people could have been as high as 90%.
The difference in how young males and females voted is stark. In the 18-24 age group, 55% of males voted No while 74% of females voted Yes. That difference decreased as voters got older. The difference in the No vote between 18–24-year-olds was twenty-nine points, for 25–34-year-olds it was fourteen points, and for 35-44-year-olds it was nine points. For 45–54-year-olds the difference was one point. These findings are consistent with analyses that indicate young people are more likely to vote for left-leaning causes and political parties than their parents, and also that the viewpoints of young men and women are diverging dramatically. (At the 2022 federal election only 34% of men between 18-24 and 15% of women voted for the Coalition in the House of Representatives. This compares for example to the 54% of men and 41% of women aged over 65 who voted for the Coalition.)
There is potential for centre-right political parties to attract the support of young men. In the United States, Europe, and Canada, young male voters are gravitating towards the right. The support of young Americans for Donald Trump is a notable example. As Polling Director at the Harvard Kennedy School Institute of Politics, John Della Volpe, put it: ‘Make no mistake, this is a different youth electorate than we saw in 2020 and 2022, and young voters are motivated by different things… economic issues are top of mind, housing is a major concern — and the gap between young men’s and young women’s political preferences is pronounced.’
In Europe, parties considered right-wing – and particularly those with anti-migration agendas – are enjoying unprecedented support from young voters. Germany, France, Portugal, and the Netherlands have seen an increase in approval for right-wing parties among younger voters, and in some cases, surpass that of older generations. For example, Geert Wilders’ Freedom Party won the 2023 election in the Netherlands on a platform that linked housing affordability to immigration. This policy received broad support among younger voters. In Germany and Finland, new data indicate that the left-wing Greens are losing ground among younger voters after successfully courting that demographic for years. Finally, France saw widespread support for the right-wing National Rally party led by 28-year-old Jordan Bardella among young voters.
Young Men and Women Are Divided On Politics
The world views of young men and women are moving further apart. Younger generations are ‘hyper-progressive’ on some issues and ‘hyper-conservative’ on others. Young women are in the former camp and young men in the latter. While it is not surprising that there is an ideological separation between men and women, the size of this gap is significant. United States Gallup poll data show that left and right world views have been spread equally across the gender divide for the past few decades. But today women aged 18-30 are 30 percentage points more progressive than their male contemporaries. This divide has opened over the last decade. It does not bode well for future relationships, the formation of families and social cohesion.
Soon an inter-racial marriage could become more common than an inter-political one. In 2015, 10% of all married Americans were married to someone of a different race, up from 3% in 1980 according to a report from the Pew Research Centre. Among newlyweds, this rate increases to 17%. Meanwhile, an analysis of the American Family survey shows that in 2020, only 21% of marriages were politically mixed, and only 4% of such marriages involved a pairing between Democrats and Republicans. This points to the changing levels of tolerance in society, with racial differences ignored while increasingly political differences are not.
Ultimately, the family unit is the building block of a successful society. The growing polarisation in the political views of young men and women will make it increasingly difficult for them to find partners. Today, there are approximately two conservative men for every one conservative woman and two liberal women for every one liberal man. The problem is compounded by an increasing intolerance shown by progressives to their political opponents. A 2019 Pew Research survey 43% of Democrats and 24% of Republicans wouldn’t date someone from the opposing party. Likewise, a study from the Survey Center on American Life found two-thirds of liberal and conservative singles would be more likely to ‘swipe left’ on a potential match with different political views. The decreasing levels of tolerance for other political differences are playing into the rising cancel culture and groupthink in mainstream cultural, political and academic institutions, which are increasingly opposed to centre-right values.
The Reasons Why Young Men and Women Are Divided
Economic, cultural and political forces are pushing young men and women into opposing camps. Increasingly, young men have become the enemy of the left, while young women have become the enemy of the right. The hyper-masculinity of the right and the hyper-progressive femininity of the left play into and exacerbate this male-female divide.
Studies in psychology and basic biology help to explain this dynamic. To survive, those who are physically weaker will prioritise safety. It follows then that women who are physically weaker than men are programmed at an evolutionary level to, on average, choose a safer world. This is supported by studies reviewed in a paper published in the Handbook of Experimental Economics, which show the female brain is wired to prioritise safety. At the same time, men are more prone to risk-taking.
In education, young boys are increasingly told they are responsible for patriarchal structures that oppress women and encourage violence. This narrative is reflected in programs such as Respectful Relationships and Safe Schools in the Australian national curriculum. Under the guise of addressing bullying and violence, the programs instead are focused on making structural change and redistributing power between men and women. For example, in Respectful Relationships, there is a clear agenda of hostility to males. The toolkit discusses the problem of ‘patriarchal and capitalist structures’, the ‘unequal distribution of power, resources and opportunity’. It suggests ‘gender inequality has historical roots in laws, policies and social norms’, and ‘Not all men are violent and not all boys will grow up to be violent men, but all men and boys have a role to play in ending violence and inequality.’ It argues that socially dominant forms of masculinity give legitimacy to the power and privilege that men hold as a group. The end goal, as explained in the toolkit, is ‘freedom from unhealthy masculine stereotypes’ to support a ‘process of disruption that eventually moves away from binary notions of gender’.
‘The Future of Australia’ survey, commissioned by the Institute of Public Affairs, reveals that feminism is a fundamental source of disagreement between young men and women. Men think feminism has gone too far and that women should not be provided with preferential treatment. On the other hand, women think they do not receive preferential treatment, and they believe that if they do receive preferential treatment, such treatment is appropriate. Overall, 45% of respondents agreed that women are given preferential treatment over men, with twice as many men agreeing as women. These results are reinforced by findings from a survey by Pew Research in the United States, which found that 23% of men believed the advancement of women had come at their expense. The rise of affirmative action and gender quotas in specific sectors supports this mindset, as does female economic success, with many women doing better than men financially. In some US cities, young women have overtaken young men in median annual income. This feeds into the narrative that the success of women in the workforce is a zero-sum game.
Even feminists are now admitting that the move of young men to the right could be a reaction against reductive gender stereotypes and a feminist society intent on shaming boys from school to the workplace. Feminist activist Jess Hill raises the possibility that the grievance industry built around domestic violence is increasing resentment. ‘Situating all little boys as potential perpetrators not only risks diluting much-needed resources and effort, but it also invites confusion and potentially backlash from boys and young men who were never at risk of hurting their partners in the first place,’ she has said. Hill also suggests that prevention strategies promoting respect for women are not working. ‘Telling men and boys that if they make sexist jokes, or fail to challenge the attitudes of their mates, they are personally responsible for the physical and sexual violence or homicides committed by other males has not proven a compelling or successful argument.’ Hill’s words capture the problem with modern feminism, which is its tendency to undermine men comprehensively through school, university, and the workforce.
The IPA’s 2023 ‘The Future of Australia’ survey suggests there is a pathway forward for centre-right parties to engage with young voters. The survey findings refute the narrative that most young Australians identify solely with the left side of politics.
The survey shows that a sizeable share of young Australians still hold traditional centre-right values. Adopting policies that reflect these values will help parties like the Liberals and Nationals distinguish themselves from their left-wing counterparts, Labor and the Greens. This is important because when the policy platforms of major parties become too similar, it means young Australians must vote on factors other than policy, such as aesthetics, branding, messaging or the personal likeability of candidates. When centre-right parties fail to stand for their values, it leaves voters, both young and old, disenfranchised. ‘The Future of Australia’ survey shows that young Australians are not as committed to the ideological left as many commentators suggest. Instead, the majority believe in ‘individual freedom’ and ‘free enterprise’. The responses given by young Australians to questions about public policy reflect a broad range of political views. Notable among the attitudes of young Australians was a strong desire for home ownership, an inclination towards entrepreneurship and a belief in the need for federal budget repair. Cost-of-living was a top priority and there was a marked preference for small government tempered by a belief that government should reduce income differences.
Fortunately, the push for censorship in elite circles is not reflected among young Australians. In fact, a clear majority (64%) explicitly oppose censorship. Only 36% agreed that speech that is claimed to have hurt someone’s feelings should be censored. Men were far more likely to oppose censorship than women. Younger women were the least likely to oppose censorship, followed closely by those with a university education. There were no significant differences based on age. Interestingly, young Australians with a university education were the least likely to oppose censorship. At many Australian universities today, conduct policies and charters use broad and subjective terms like ‘offence’ and ‘humiliation’, which can be weaponised by activists to censor speech. The threat of punishment keeps students and academics from speaking out and voicing controversial opinions.
Conclusion
It is unsustainable for any society to see either extreme feminism or masculinity dominate. The rise of female empowerment in the modern world has been beneficial to a point. However, today it is harming both men and women.
First-wave feminism was about freedom, opportunity, and choice. Today, at a practical level, women are more burdened than ever before, having to work a full-time job in addition to their caring responsibilities. At a psychological level, feminism has infantilised women and emasculated men, with the government taking the place of men in the lives of women. As a result, at a societal level, it has enabled the rise of big government, the welfare state and identity politics.
The IPA’s research highlights the growing ideological and political gap between men and women and shows it cannot be ignored. This situation presents both challenges and opportunities for Australian and Western political leaders. As noted by Imogen Sinclair, who heads up the pro-family New Social Covenant Unit, the current generation is reactive and dissatisfied, turning to the past to resolve current problems. She pointed out that ‘Gen Z longs for a political offer that satisfies their nostalgia for the things they’ve never known: marriage, parochial life and national pride.’
Ultimately, the feminisation of society has resulted in a public mindset where the world is viewed through the prism of class, race, and gender and a political impulse which prioritises safety over freedom. This is problematic for democracy. To protect our cultural heritage and the fundamentals of freedom that have made Australia and the West so successful and prosperous, political leaders must return to principles that have stood the test of time and present young people with viable solutions. If they do, they will be rewarded with support.
This article is from Volume 1 of Essays for Australia 2025 and is written by Brianna McKee.
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